Workers across Myanmar have gone on a nationwide strike, as protests calling for the release of elected leader Aung San Suu Kyi and for democracy to be restored continue for a third day.
Thousands have gathered in Yangon and Mandalay, while water cannon was deployed in the capital Nay Pyi Taw.
It comes a day after Myanmar saw its largest protest in more than a decade.
The military seized power in a coup after claiming without evidence that an earlier election was fraudulent.
They also declared a year-long state of emergency in Myanmar, also known as Burma, and power has been handed over to commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing.
Ms Suu Kyi and senior leaders of her National League for Democracy Party (NLD), including President Win Myint, have been put under house arrest.
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By Monday morning, tens of thousands of people had gathered in Nay Pyi Taw, with other cities also reporting significant numbers, according to BBC Burmese.
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The protesters include teachers, lawyers, bank officers and government workers. About a thousand teachers have been marching from a township in Yangon towards the Sule Pagoda in the heart of Myanmar’s main city.
Online, there were also calls asking workers to skip work to protest.
“This is a work day, but we aren’t going to work even if our salary will be cut,” one protester, 28-year-old garment factory worker, Hnin Thazin, told news agency AFP.
In Nay Pyi Taw, police used water cannon on protesters and there were reports of a few injuries.
One online video of the incident appears to show protesters rubbing their eyes and helping one another after being soaked.
There were no other immediate reports of violence.
Other videos showed large crowds holding placards and chanting as they walked through the streets.
Earlier last week, Myanmar’s military seized control following a general election which saw the NLD party win by a landslide.
The armed forces had backed the opposition, who were demanding a rerun of the vote, claiming widespread fraud.
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The election commission said there was no evidence to support these claims.
The coup was staged as a new session of parliament was set to open.
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The military has replaced ministers and deputies, including in finance, health, the interior and foreign affairs.
It also blocked access to Facebook, which is widely used across the country, Twitter and Instagram.
But that failed to stop large nationwide protests on Saturday and Sunday — which saw the country’s largest protests since the so-called Saffron Revolution in 2007, when thousands of the country’s monks rose up against the military regime.
Myanmar coup: What now for Aung San Suu Kyi?
How would you describe Myanmar’s military leadership?
Few people, speaking freely, would reach for labels of affection. But in 2018, a year after the world watched the horrific expulsion and mass murder of the Rohingya people — an alleged genocide — Aung San Suu Kyi opted for the phrase “rather sweet” to describe the generals in her cabinet.
Three years on, as she sits under house arrest once again — the victim of the swiftest of coups — her decision to defend the army, either for personal, political or patriotic reasons, looks a very bad one.
Her supporters will tell you she was in an impossible position and that taking a tougher stance would have hastened her incarceration. Her critics insist she still could have shown at least a flicker of compassion for the persecuted Muslim minority.
Either way, her prospects and those of a democratic Myanmar look bleak.
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Aung San Suu Kyi: Democracy icon who fell from grace
Myanmar coup: What is happening and why?
Myanmar coup: ‘Our world turned upside down’
While her international halo may have slipped and shattered, Aung San Suu Kyi is still adored by tens of millions in Myanmar. This popularity cannot be overstated. The thumping general election victory for her National League for Democracy saw them win more than 80% of the vote.
If you wander the crumbling streets of downtown Yangon — with the canopy of tangled power wires overhead and the occasional scurry of cat-sized rats at your feet — and pop your head into any doorway, there’s one face you’re more than likely to meet. Whether it’s on a poster, a painting or a calendar, Mother Suu’s image looks backs at you.
These are the same streets which now after dark reverberate with the clanging of pots in support of their democratically elected — and now summarily detained — leader.
“We normally make this noise to drive out evil spirits,” explained Ma Khin in a description to her social media post. “Now we want to drive the military out so that Aung San Suu Kyi can be free.”
As well as the din of the pans, a much more soothing sound fills the warm night air. The songs of the 1988 Uprising — that upswell of democratic fervour that propelled a young Suu Kyi into the domestic and international limelight, and precipitated her first of many periods under house arrest.
Wai Wai Nu, a Rohingya human rights activist, captioned her own uploaded street video with the words “very painful to see” as she recalled singing the revolutionary verses in jail with fellow political prisoners.
In the footage, I was struck by an image which epitomises a defining irony in the violent, twisted and tragically repetitive history of Myanmar. Illuminated by the light of smartphones held aloft, there was a portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi’s father — General Aung San: the still-revered leader, assassinated in his prime in 1947 before he could guide Burma into independence from the British.
He was also the founder of the modern Burmese army, also known as the Tatmadaw: the very institution now depriving his daughter of her liberty and his country of their leader. Again.
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The same mobile phones that keep the memory of her father burning brightly could yet lead Aung San Suu Kyi from the darkness.
For if previous struggles for freedom — in 1988 and 2007 (the Saffron Revolution) — were played out on the streets, this one will be powered online. On Facebook to be precise, the platform that millions of Burmese use above all others to send and receive their news and views.
This, of course, if the army doesn’t persist in blocking access to the site and app. Because the military, whose senior command are now banned from Facebook after using it to such devastating effect in the last decade to whip up nationalist sentiment, spread hate speech and fake news, know its power. And fear it, you’d imagine.
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The Tatmadaw’s capacity for murderous brutality — in slaying their own people, students and monks seeking freedom — cannot be beaten. But they are pulverised in any fight for Burmese hearts and minds.
The problem for Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters is harnessing this digital power. Many were taken aback by the directness of her purported plea in a letter to “protest against the coup”. Some feared it may be a military trap, to lure protestors to their arrest — or worse.
Flooding the street in the name of “The Lady” may provide high quality images and a powerful message for global social media and TV news. But the grainy film of 1988 is a chilling reminder that these very roads were bathed in blood when soldiers cut down a previous generation who were asking for freedom.
There’s nothing new that I can see that suggests the Tatmadaw would stop short of carrying out a live-streamed massacre in the major cities of Myanmar.
